Introduction to the “Theological”
Orations.
“
It
has been said
with truth,” says the writer of the Article on Gregory of
Nazianzus in the Dictionary of Christian Biography, “that these
discourses would lose their chief charm in a translation.…Critics
have rivalled each other in the praises they have heaped upon them, but
no praise is so high as that of the many Theologians who have found in
them their own best thoughts. A Critic who cannot be accused of
partiality towards Gregory has given in a few words perhaps the truest
estimate of them: ‘A solidity of thought, the concentration
of all that is spread through the writings of Hilary, Basil, and
Athanasius, a flow of softened eloquence which does not halt or lose
itself for a moment, an argument nervous without dryness on the one
hand, and without useless ornament on the other, give these five
Discourses a place to themselves among the monuments of this fine
Genius, who was not always in the same degree free from grandiloquence
and affectation. In a few pages, and in a few hours, Gregory has
summed up and closed the controversy of a whole
Century.’”
3377
They were
preached in the Church called Anastasia,
3378
at
Constantinople, between 379 and 381, and have gained for their author
the title of The Theologian, which he shares with S. John the
Evangelist alone. It should perhaps, however, be noted that the
word is not here used in the wide and general sense in which we employ
it, but in a narrower and more specific way, denoting emphatically the
Defender of the Deity of the Logos. His principal opponents were
the followers of Eunomius and Macedonius, and it is almost entirely
against them that these Orations on Theology, or the Godhead of the
Word and the Holy Ghost, are directed. The chief object of the
Preacher in these and most other of his public utterances, is to
maintain the Nicene Faith of the Trinity or Trinity of God; that is,
the Doctrine that while there is but One Substance or Essence
3379
in the Godhead, and by consequence God is in
the most
absolute sense One,
yet God is not Unipersonal, but within this Undivided Unity there are
three Self-determining Subjects or Persons, distinguished from one
another by special characteristics (
ἰδιότητες
) or
personal properties—Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. With this
object he entered into conflict with the heretics named above, who
denied either the Consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, or the
perfect Godhead and Personality of the Holy Ghost.
Eunomius, whom Ullmann calls one of the most
interesting heretics of the Fourth Century, was by birth a Cappadocian,
and slightly older than Gregory. As a young man he was a pupil
and amanuensis of Aëtius, by whom the Arian heresy was developed
to its extreme results. The disciple never shrank from drawing
the furthest logical conclusions from his master’s premises, or
from stating them with a frankness, which to those who regarded the
premises themselves from which he reasoned as horrible blasphemies,
seemed nothing less than diabolical in its impiety. So precisely
did he complete and formulate his teacher’s heretical tenets,
that the Anomœan Arians were ever afterwards called Eunomians,
rather than Aëtians. They asserted the absolute
Unlikeness
of the Being of the Father and of the Son.
Starting with the conception of God as Absolute Being, of Whom no
Generation can be predicated, Unbegotten and incapable of Begetting,
they went on to say that an Eternal Generation is inconceivable, and
that the Generation of the Son of God must have had a beginning.
Of course, therefore, the Arian conclusion followed, namely, that there
was a time when the Son did not exist (
ἦν
ποτὲ ὅτε οῦκ
ἦν
), and His Essence is altogether unlike that
of the Unbegotten Father. Equality of essence and Similarity of
essence, are alike untenable, from the mere fact that the one Essence
is Unbegotten, and the other is Begotten. The Son, they said, is
the First Creation of the Divine Energy, and is the Instrument by whom
God created the world, and in this sense, as the Organ of creative
power, may be said to be the Express Image and Likeness of the Energy
of the Father.
3380
As they viewed the Holy Ghost as sharing the
Divine Nature in an even remoter degree, as being only the noblest
production of the Only-begotten Son, Eunomius was the first person
heretically to discontinue the practice of threefold immersion in Holy
Baptism. He also corrupted the Form of that Sacrament, by setting
aside the use of the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and
baptizing people “in the name of the Creator, and into the death
of Christ.” Therefore the Council of Constantinople ordered
that converts from Eunomianism should be
baptized
, although
those from other forms of Arianism were admitted into the Catholic
Church by simple imposition of hands. Through the influence of
the followers of Aëtius, Eunomius became, in 360, Bishop of
Cyzicus in Mysia, but he does not appear to have occupied the See very
long. At any rate when Gregory came, in 379, to Constantinople,
he was living in retirement near Chalcedon. All parties concur in
representing him as a consummate Dialectician, but the Orthodox
declared that he had turned Theology into a mere Technology.
Readiness of Dialectic was the great characteristic of his Sect, and it
was they who introduced into the Capital that bad spirit of theological
disputatiousness which Gregory deplores in the first of these famous
Orations. He also differed entirely from Gregory, not merely in
the conclusions at which he arrived, but in the method by which he
reached them; following the system of Aristotle, rather than of Plato,
and using an exclusively intellectual method, while Gregory treated
Religion as belonging to the entire man. The point at issue
between them, besides this of the Interior relations of the Three
Blessed Persons within the Godhead, was mainly the question as to the
complete comprehensibility of the Divine Nature, which the Eunomians
maintained, and Gregory denied. The latter argued that, while we
have a sure conviction that God is, we have not a full understanding of
What He is. He would not, however, exclude us from
all
knowledge of God’s Nature, only he limits our capacity to so much
as God has been pleased to reveal to us of Himself. “In my
opinion,” he says (Or. xxiv. 4), “it is impossible to
express God, and yet more impossible to conceive Him—seeing that
the thick covering of the flesh is an obstacle to the understanding of
the truth.” Similarly in the Fourth of these Orations (Or.
xxx. 17) he says, “The Deity cannot be expressed in words.
And this is proved to us, not only by arguments, but by the wisest and
most ancient of the Hebrews, so far as they have given us reason for
conjecture. For they appropriated certain characters to the
honour of the Deity,
and
would not even allow the name of anything inferior to God to be written
with the same letters as that of God, because to their mind it was
improper that the Deity should even to that extent admit any of His
creatures to a share with Himself. How then could they have
admitted that the indivisible and separate Nature can be explained by
divisible words?”
In the mind of Gregory, the Orthodox doctrine of the
Blessed Trinity is the fundamental dogma of Christianity, in contrast
with all other religions, and with all heretical systems.
“Remember your confession,” he says to his hearers in an
Oration against the Arians; “Into what were you baptized?
The Father? Good, but still Jewish. The Son? Good; no
longer Jewish, but not yet perfect. The Holy Ghost? Very
good; this is perfect. Was it then simply into these, or was
there some one common Name of these? Yes, there was, and it is
God.” And in the same oration he calls Arianism a new
Judaism, because it ascribes full Deity only to the Father; and he
speaks of One Nature in Three Individualities, intelligent, perfect,
self-existent, distinct numerically, but one in Godhead.
“In created things,” says Ullmann, “the several
individuals are embraced in a common conception, though in themselves
only connected together in thought, while in fact they are not
one. Manhood is only an intellectual conception; in fact there
exist only Men. But in the Godhead the Three Persons are not only
in conception, but in fact, One; and this Unity is not only a relative
but an absolute Unity, because the Divine Being is perfect in all Three
Persons, and in all in a perfect equality. In this sense
therefore Gregory and all orthodox Trinitarians maintain the Unity of
God. But within this Unity there is a true Trinity, Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost, a Trinity of Persons in a Unity of Nature.”
We worship, he says (Or. xxxiii. 16), the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
One Nature in Three Individualities. So that, as he says
elsewhere (Or. in laud. Athanasii, xxi. 10), the Trinity is a true
Trinity; not a numbering of unlike things, but a binding together of
equals. Each of the Persons is God in the fullest sense.
The Son and the Holy Ghost have their Source of Being in the Father,
but in such sense that They are fully consubstantial with Him, and that
neither of Them differs from Him in any particular of Essence.
The points of difference lie in the Personal Attributes; the Father
Unoriginate, and Source of Deity; the Son deriving His Being eternally
from the Father, and Himself the Source of all created existence; the
Holy Ghost proceeding eternally from God, and sent into the world.
In the first of these five discourses the Preacher sets
himself to clear the ground for the fitting presentation of his great
theme. He endeavours to lay down the principles on which
Theologians should proceed in such discussions, and very earnestly
deprecates the habit of promiscuous argument in all sorts of places,
upon all sorts of occasions, and before all sorts of hearers, of the
deepest and most sacred truths and mysteries of the Faith. They
only should be allowed to engage in such conversation who are fitted
for it by the practice of Christian virtue. For others there are
many other subjects upon which they can exercise their dialectical
attainments, without doing or incurring any injury.
In the second oration Gregory lays down the position
referred to above, that it is impossible for even the most exalted
human reason fully to grasp the Nature of God, though His Existence is
patent to all. We can only, he says, predicate negatives
concerning Him. He gives three reasons for this incapacity.
First to enhance our estimation of this knowledge, when attained
hereafter; secondly to save us from the danger of falling through
pride, like Lucifer, if we attained it prematurely; and thirdly, to
support and sustain us in the trials and conflicts of this life, by the
certainty that its attainment hereafter will be the reward of faithful
service in them. The cause of our present inability is the body
with which our soul is united, the grossness of whose present condition
hinders us from rising to the complete apprehension of the invisible
and immaterial. God, out of compassion for our weakness, has been
pleased to designate Himself in Holy Scripture by various names taken
from material objects, or from moral virtues; but these are only
stepping-stones to the truth, and have indeed been sometimes perverted,
and made a basis for polytheism. It is, however, only natural
that the Divine Essence should be shrouded in Mystery, for the same is
the case with the created essences also.
In the Third and Fourth he deals with the question of
the Son. His position may be summed up as follows: The Son
is absolutely of One Substance with the Father, and shares with Him all
the Attributes of Godhead. Yet He is a distinct Person, marked
off by the fact that He is begotten of the Father. But we must be
careful not to allow this term “Begotten” to suggest to us
any analogy
with created
things. It is wholly independent of time and space and sense.
This position he had to defend against many
assailants, and especially against the Eunomians. These heretics
maintained that the use of this term necessarily implied a beginning of
the Essence of the Son, and they asked the orthodox to tell them when
that beginning took place. Gregory replies that the Generation of
God the Son is beyond all time; pointing out that Paternity is an
Essential attribute of God the Father, and therefore is as eternal as
His Essence, so that there never was a time when He was not the Father,
and consequently never a time when the Generation of the Son
began. He admits that there is a sense in which it is possible to
say that the Son and the Spirit are not unoriginate, but then you must
be careful not to use the word Origin in the sense of Beginning, but in
that of Cause. They derive Their Being eternally from the Father,
and all Three Persons are coeternal together. In respect of cause
They are not unoriginate, but the cause is not necessarily prior in
time to its effect, just as the Sun is not prior to its own
light. In respect of
time
, then, They may be said to be
unoriginate, for the Sources of time cannot be subject to time.
“If the Father has not ceased to beget, His Generation is an
imperfect one; and if He has ceased, He must have begun, for an end
implies a beginning.” “Not so,” says Gregory,
“unless you are prepared to admit that what has no end has
necessarily no beginning; and in that case what will you say about the
Angels, or the human soul? These will have no end; had either of
them therefore no beginning?” By a similar process
of
Reductio ad absurdum
he dissipates all the quibbles of
Eunomian sophistry, and lays down the orthodox Faith of the
Church. Then in the remainder of the Third and Fourth Orations he
goes on to examine the Scriptural testimony adduced by his opponents,
and to shew by a similar catena on the other side that the overwhelming
preponderance of the authority of the Bible is clearly against
them. In connection with this point he lays down the canon that
in the interpretation of Scripture in regard to our Lord, all
expressions savouring of humility or weakness are to be referred to
that pure Humanity which He assumed for our sake; while all that speaks
of Majesty and Power belongs to His Godhead.
In the Fifth he deals with the doctrine of the
Holy Ghost. The heresy of Arius was at first directly concerned
only with the Person of our Lord, though not without a side-glance at
that also of the Holy Ghost. The Council of Nicæa had
confined itself to the first question, and its Creed ended with,
“We believe in the Holy Ghost.” This, it was
afterwards argued, was enough to proclaim His Divinity, and so Gregory
argues in this Oration, “If He be only a creature, how do we
believe on Him, how are we made perfect in Him, for the first of these
belongs to Deity, the second may be said of anything” (c.
vi.). The reason, however, that the Great Synod made no express
definition on the point seems to have been that the controversy had not
yet been carried so far in direct terms (cf. S. Basil, Epp. lxxviii.
ccclxxxvii.). But fifty years later the growth of the heresy
rendered a definition of the Church’s faith on this point
needful; and in 363, on his return from his fourth period of exile, S.
Athanasius held a provincial Synod at Alexandria, in whose Synodical
Letter to the Emperor Jovian the Godhead of the Holy Ghost is
maintained in terms which, as Canon Bright says, partly anticipate the
language of the Creed of Constantinople (Dict. Biog. Art.
Athanasius
). The new development of the heresy had
begun to appear at Constantinople as well as in Thrace and Asia
Minor. Macedonius, a Semi-Arian, had been elected Bishop of
Constantinople in 341, and in spite of violent opposition, which he met
by still more violent measures, had maintained his position till 360,
when he was deposed and driven out by the Anomœan Arians. He
then in his retirement became the leader of the Semi-Arian party.
Accepting the statement that the Son was Like in Essence to the Father,
he would not concede even this to the Holy Ghost, but declared Him to
be a mere creature (Thdt. Hist.
Eccl. ii. 6
), and the servant or
minister of the Son; applying to Him terms which without error could
only be used of the Angels (Sozomen. H. E. iv. 27). His followers
were known as Macedonians, or sometimes Marathonians, from a certain
Marathonius, formerly a Paymaster of the Prætorian Guards, who had
become a Deacon of Constantinople, and, having done much in the way of
founding and maintaining Monastic Houses and Houses of Charity in the
City, was consecrated by Macedonius as Bishop of Nicomedia. They
were also known as Pneumatomachi, from the nature of their
Heresy. A controversy had now begun to arise as to the precise
position which the true faith was to assign to the Holy Spirit.
There were those who left it doubtful whether He had indeed a separate
Personality, or whether He were not rather a
mere Influence or Activity of the Father
and the Son. Gregory tells us how, when he came to the
Metropolis, he found the wildest confusion prevalent. Some, he
says, conceived of the Holy Ghost as a mere Energy of God, others
thought Him a Creature, others believed Him to be God; while many out
of an alleged reverence for Holy Scripture, hesitated to give Him the
Name of God. To this last class belonged, according to Socrates
(H. E. ii. 45), Eustathius, who had been ejected from the Bishopric of
Sebasteia in Pontus. He refused to admit that the Holy Spirit is
God, while yet He did not dare to affirm that He is a mere
creature. When Gregory proceeded to preach the Deity of the
Spirit, he was accused of introducing a strange and unscriptural god,
because, as he acknowledges, the letter of the Bible is not so clear on
the doctrine of the Spirit as it is on that of the Son. But he
points out that it is possible to be superstitious in one’s
reverence for the letter of the Bible, and that such superstition leads
directly to heresy. He explains the reticence of the New
Testament on this point by shewing (in this Oration, cc. 26, 27) how
God’s Self-Revelation to man has always been a gradual one; how
the Old Testament revealed the Father clearly, with obscure hints about
the Son; and the New Testament manifested the Son, but only hinted at
the Godhead of the Spirit; but now, he says, the Spirit dwells among
us, and allows us to recognize Him more clearly. For it would not
have been advisable, as long as the Godhead of the Father was not
acknowledged, to proclaim that of the Son; and while the Deity of the
Son was not yet accepted, to add another burden in that of the Holy
Spirit. Recognizing thus a Divine economy in the Self-Revelations
of God, he was not averse to using a similar caution in his own
dealings with weak or ill-instructed minds.
3381
But yet when real necessity arose, he
could speak out with perfect plainness on this subject; and he even
incurred danger to life and limb from the violence of the opposing
party. He met their opposition by the clearest statements of the
Catholic Dogma. “Is the Spirit God?” he asks.
“Yes.” “But is He consubstantial?”
“Yes, if He is God.” (Orat. xxxi. 10.) He
appeals both to the Bible, and to the experience of the Christian
life. If the Spirit is not to be adored, how can He deify me in
Baptism? From the Spirit comes our new Birth; from the new Birth
our new Life; and from the new Life our knowledge of the Dignity of Him
from Whom it is derived (Ibid. C. 29). He is, however, milder in
his treatment of these heretics than of the strict Arians, both, as he
says, because they approached more nearly to the Orthodox belief on the
subject of the Son, and because their conspicuous piety of life shewed
that their error was not altogether wilful. In this Oration he
shows that though the Name of God may not actually be given in the New
Testament to the Holy Ghost, yet all the attributes of God are ascribed
to Him, and that therefore the use of the Name is a matter of
legitimate inference. He carries on the argument in the Oration
on Pentecost (No. XLI. See the Introduction to that Oration in
the present Volume).
With regard to the doctrine of the Procession, Gregory
gives us no clear information. He is silent as to the Procession
from the Son. It is enough for him that the Spirit is not
Begotten but Proceeding (in SS. Lumina, c. 12), and that Procession is
His distinctive Property, which involves at once His Personality and
His Essential Deity.
At length in 381 the work of local Synods and episcopal
conferences was completed and clinched by the Ruling of a Second
Ecumenical Council. It is true that the Council which Theodosius
summoned to meet at Constantinople could scarcely have regarded itself
as possessing Ecumenical authority; whilst in the West it certainly was
not regarded in this light before the Sixth Century. Nevertheless
the honours of Ecumenicity were ultimately awarded to it by the whole
Church, because it completes the series of Great Councils by which the
Doctrine of the Deity of the Holy Spirit was affirmed; and in fact it
expressed the final judgment of the Catholic Church upon the Macedonian
controversy. Its first Canon anathematises the Semiarians or
Pneumatomachi by name as well as the Eunomians or Anomœan Arians
(cf. Dict. Biog. Art. Gregory of Nazianzus, by Dr. H. B.
Swete).
3377
De Broglie,
“L’Eglise et l’Empire,” v. 385.—“Ce
sont autant de modèles dans l’art délicat
d’imprimer la forme oratoire aux développements
philosophiques. Une pensée substantielle, formée de
tous les sucs répandus dans les écrits d’Hilaire, de
Basile et d’Athanase; un courant d’éloquence
tempérée qui ne se ralentit, ni ne s’égare en
aucun moment; une argumentation nerveuse sans sècheresse, mais
sans vaine parure d’ornements, font à ces cinq discours une
place à part parmi les monuments de ce beau génie, auquel
l’emphase et l’affectation ne furent pas toujours aussi
étrangers. En quelques pages, et en quelques heures,
Grégoire avait résumé et clos la controverse de tout un
siècle.”
3378
See Prolegomena p.
171.
3379
“There is but one divine Essence or
Substance; Father, Son, and Spirit, are one in essence, or
consubstantial. They are in one another, inseparable, and cannot
be conceived without each other. In this point the Nicene
doctrine is thoroughly monotheistic, or monarchian, in distinction from
tritheism, which is but a new form of the polytheism of the pagans.
“The terms Essence (
οὐσία
) and Nature (
φύσις
), in the
philosophical sense, denote not an individual, a personality, but the
Genus or Species; not Unum in Numero, but Ens Unum in Multis. All
men are of the same substance, partake of the same human nature; though
as persons and individuals they are very different. The term
Homo-ousion, in its strict grammatical sense, differs from Mono-ousion
or Touto-ousion, as well as from Hetero-ousion, and signifies not
numerical identity, but equality of essence or community of nature
among several beings. It is clearly thus used in the Chalcedonian
Symbol, where it is said that Christ is ‘consubstantial
(Homo-ousios) with the Father as touching the Godhead, and
consubstantial with us (and yet individually distinct from us) as
touching the Manhood.’ But in the Divine Trinity
consubstantiality denotes not only sameness of kind, but at the same
time Numerical unity; not merely the Unum in Specie, but also the Unum
in Numero. The three Persons are related to the Divine Substance
not as three individuals to their species, as Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, or Peter, John, and Paul, to human nature; they are only one
God. The divine Substance is absolutely indivisible by reason of
its simplicity, and absolutely inextensible and untransferable by
reason of its infinity; whereas a corporeal substance can be divided,
and the human nature can be multiplied by generation. Three
Divine substances would limit and exclude each other, and therefore
could not be infinite or absolute. The whole fulness of the one
undivided Essence of God, with all its attributes, is in all the
Persons of the Trinity, though in each in His own way; in the Father as
Original Principle, in the Son by eternal Generation, in the Spirit by
eternal Procession. The Church teaches not One Divine Essence
and
Three Persons, but One Essence
In
Three
Persons. Father, Son, and Spirit cannot be conceived as Three
separate individuals, but are in one another, and form a solidaric
Unity.” (Schaff, History of the Church, Nic. &
Post-Nic. Period, Div. ii. p. 672.)
3380
Two terms borrowed
from Holy Scripture (
Heb. i.
3
). But observe,
borrowed with a difference—not “the Image of His
Substance,” which they would not admit, but of His
“Energy,” which is a very different conception.
3381
In his Fifty-third
Epistle, addressed to S. Basil, there is an amusing instance of his
defence of this tolerant disposition, which S. Basil also displayed in
dealing with minds of this class.