“Religious feeling like everything else had become
to the idle and empty mind a subject of joke and amusement. What
belonged to the theatre was brought into the Church, and what belonged
to the Church into the theatre. The better Christian feelings
were not seldom held up in comedies to the sneer of the
multitude. Everything was so changed by the Constantinopolitans
into light jesting, that earnestness was stripped of its worth by wit,
and that which is holy became a subject for banter and scoffing in the
refined conversation of worldly people. Yet worse was it that the
unbridled delight of these men in dissipating enjoyments threatened to
turn the Church into a theatre, and the Preacher into a play
actor. If he would please the multitude, he must adapt himself to
their taste, and entertain them amusingly in the Church. They
demanded also in the preaching something that should please the ear,
glittering declamation with theatrical gesticulation; and they clapped
with the same pleasure the comedian in the holy place and him on the
stage. And alas there were found at that period too many
preachers who preferred the applause of men to their souls’
health. At this period the objects of the faith excited,
particularly in Constantinople, a very universal and lively interest,
which was entertained from the Court downwards, though not always in
the most creditable manner; but it was in great part not the interest
of the heart, but that of a hypercritical and disputatious intellect,
where it was not something far lower, to which the dispute about
matters of faith served only as a pretext for attaining the exterior
aims of avarice or ambition. While the sanctifying and beatifying
doctrines of the Gospel, which are directed to the conversion of the
whole inner man were let lie quiet, everyone from the Emperor to the
beggar busied himself with incredible interest about a few questions
concerning which the Gospel communicates only just so much as is
beneficial to the human spirit and necessary to salvation, and whose
fuller expression at any rate belongs rather to the school than to
practical life. But the more violently these doctrinal disputes
were kindled, disturbing and dividing States, cities, and families, so
much the more people lost sight of the practical essentials of
Christianity; it seemed more important to maintain the Tri-unity of God
than to love God with all the heart; to acknowledge the
Consubstantiality of the Son, than to follow Him in humility and
self-denial; to defend the Personality of the Holy Spirit, than to
bring forth the fruits of the Spirit, love, peace,
righteousness….In addition to these religious disputes came also
political struggles, namely, the hard-fought wars of the Roman Empire
with the Goths; so that the Empire at large presented the picture of a
sea, tossed by violent
storms. But the unhappy schisms which at this time were severing
Christians everywhere, shewed themselves in a particularly discouraging
form in the Capital. Under the late reigns several parties had
been favoured; but especially those which, though again divided among
themselves by differences of opinion, yet agreed in this that they all
rejected the Nicene system of doctrine. Constantius had bestowed
his favour on the Arians; Julian during his short reign on all parties,
at least in appearance,—to crush them all. After
Jovian’s early death Valens succeeded to power in the East, and
with him, even more than with Constantius, Arianism, which he not only
protected, but also sought to make predominant by horrible atrocities
against the friends of the Nicene Decrees. These had now been
forbidden the use of all Churches and Church property, and the Arians
had been put in possession of them. But Constantinople still
remained the scene of ecclesiastical strifes and partizanships.
Here where with a little good so much evil flowed from all three parts
of the world, all opinions had their adherents; but the following
parties in particular shewed themselves:—The Eunomians,
professing an intellectual theology, which claimed to be able
completely to explore the Being of God by logical definitions, and
maintained in strict Arian fashion the Unlikeness of the Son to the
Father, were very numerous in Constantinople (as is shewn by the fact
that most of Gregory’s polemical utterances were directed against
them), and injured earnest religious thought principally by this, that
they used the doctrines of the faith exclusively as subjects for an
argumentative dialectic. The Macedonians, addicted to the
Semi-Arian dogma of the Like Substance, and thereby somewhat more
nearly approaching the Orthodox, and distinguished besides by an
estimable earnestness of demeanour, and a monk-like strictness of
manner, were indeed themselves excluded by the pure Arians from the
property of the Church, but were ever being abundantly multiplied,
partly in Constantinople itself, partly in the neighbouring regions of
the Hellespont, Thrace, Bithynia, and Phrygia. The Novatians, who
even overstepped the Macedonians in the strictness of their practical
principles, had somewhat earlier been on the point of uniting
themselves with the Orthodox, from whom they did not differ on the
chief doctrine in dispute, and with whom they found themselves under
like oppression from the Arians; but the malevolent disposition of a
few of the party leaders had stood in the way, and so they remained
separate, and swelled the number of the opponents of Orthodoxy.
Lastly the Apollinarians too began to establish themselves there.
Their teaching was opposed to the acknowledgment of true and perfect
Manhood in Jesus (for true Manhood lies in the reason especially); and
there was at that time, as Gregory informs us, a report that an
assembly of Apollinarian bishops was to be held at Constantinople, with
a view of raising their teaching as to Christ into general notice, and
forcing it upon the Churches.