A.—The
Historia Acephala.
————————————
This most important document was brought to light
in 1738 by the Marchese F. Scipio Maffei († 1755), from a Latin
ms.
(uncial parchment) in the Chapter Library
at Verona. It was reprinted from Maffei’s
Osservazioni
Letterarie
in the Padua edition of Athanasius; also in 1769 by
Gallandi (
Bibl. Patr.
v. 222), from which edition (the reprint
in Migne, xxvi. 1443
sqq
. being full of serious misprints) the
following version has been made. The Latin text (including letters 46,
47, and a Letter of the Council of Sardica) is very imperfect, but the
annalist is so careful in his reckonings, and so often repeats himself,
that the careful reader can nearly always use the document to make good
its own gaps or wrong readings. Beyond this (except the insertion of
the consuls for 372, §17
ad fin.
) the present editor has
not ventured
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to go. The importance and value of the
fragment must now be shewn.
The annalist evidently writes under the
episcopate of Theophilus, to which he hurriedly brings down his
chronology after the death of Athanasius (§19). At the fortieth
anniversary of the episcopate of Athanasius, June 8, 368, he makes a
pause (§17) in order to reckon up his dates. This passage is the
key of the whole of his chronological data. He accounts for the period
of forty years (thus placing the accession of Ath. at June 8, 328, in
agreement with the Index), shewing how it is exactly made up by the
periods of ‘exile’ and of ‘quiet’ previously
mentioned. To ‘quiet’ he assigns ‘xxii years v months
and x days,’ to ‘exile’ xvii years vi months xx days;
total xl years. He then shews how the latter is made up by the several
exiles he has chronicled. As the text stands we have the following
sum:
Table A.
Exiles
(1)
xc months
iii days
[(2)]
(3)
lxxii "
xiv "
(4)
xv "
xxii "
(5)
iv "
‘exact result’
xvii years
vi months
xx days
Now the exact result of the figures as they stand
is 182 months, 9 days,
i.e.
15 years 2 months and 9 days, or 2
years 4 months and 11 days too little. Moreover of the well-known
‘five exiles,’ only four are accounted for. An exile has
thus dropped out, and an item of 2 years 4 months 11 days. Now this
corresponds exactly with the interval from Epiphi 17 (July 11), 335
(departure for Tyre,
Fest. Ind.
viii), to Athyr 27 (Nov. 23),
337
(return to Alexandria
F.
I.
x). The annalist then (followed apparently by Theodt
. H.
E.
ii. 1) reckoned the
first
exile at the above figure. But
what of the first figure in our table, xc months iii days? It again
exactly coincides with the interval from Pharm. 21 (Apr. 16, Easter
Monday), 339 to Paophi 24 (Oct. 21), 346, on which day (§1) Athan.
returned from his
second
exile. This double coincidence cannot
be an accident. It demonstrates beyond all dispute that the missing
item of ‘ann. ii, mens. iv, d. xii’ has dropped out after
‘Treveris in Galliis,’ and that ‘mens. xc, dies
iii’
relates to the second exile,
so that, in §1
also, the annalist wrote not ‘annos vi’ but ‘annos
vii menses
vi
dies iii,
’ which he repeats §17
by its equivalent ‘mens. xc, d. iii,’ while words have
dropped out in §1 to the effect of what is supplied in brackets.
(Hefele, ii. 50, Eng. Tr., is therefore in error here).
I would add that the same obvious principle of
correcting a clearly corrupt figure by the writer’s own
subsequent reference to it, enables us also to correct the last figures
of §2 by those of §5, to correct the items by the sum total
of §§6, 7, and lastly to correct the corrupt readings
‘Gregorius’ for Georgius, and ‘Constans’ for
Constantius, by the many uncorrupt places which shew that the annalist
himself was perfectly aware of the right names.
In one passage alone (§13
‘Athyr’ twice for Mechir, cf.
Fest. Ind.
viii) is
conjecture really needed; but even here the consuls are correctly
given, and support the right date.
We are now in a position to construct tables of
‘exiles’ and ‘quiet’ periods from the
Historia
as corrected by itself.
Table B.
Exiles
&c., of Athanasius.
Exiles lasted
No.
Years
Months
Days
beginning
(a) ii
iv
xi
(b) Epiphi 17, 335 (July 11)
vii
vi
iii
(b) Pharmuthi 21, 339 (Apr. 16)
vi
xiv
Mechir 13, 356 (Feb. 8)
iii
xxii
Paophi 27, 362 (Oct. 24)
iv
Paophi 8, 365 (Oct. 5)
Total Exiles
xvii
vi
xx
Quiet periods lasting
No.
Years
Months
Days
beginning
vii
iii (b)
Payni 14, 328 (June 8)
iv
xxiv (b)
(b) Athyr 27, 337 (Nov. 23)
ix
iii
xix (§5)
Paophi 24, 346 (Oct. 21)
viii
(§10)
Mechir 27, 362 (Feb. 21)
vii
xvii (b)
(c) Mechir 19, 364 (Feb. 14)
ii
iv
vii (a)
Mechir 7, 366 (Feb. 1)
Total ‘quiet’
(to June 8,
368)
xxii
N.B. In the above Table, (a) denotes dates or
figures
directly implied
in the existing text, (b) those implied
by it
in combination
with other sources, (c) those based on
conjectural
emendation of the existing text. All unmarked data
are expressly given.
Table B shews the deliberate and careful
calculation which runs through the system of our annalist. Once or
twice he indulges in a round figure, exiles 1 and 5 are each a day too
long by the Egyptian calendar, and this is set off by his apparently
reckoning the fifth quiet period as two days too short. But the writer
clearly knew his own mind. In fact, the one just ground on which we
might distrust his chronology is its systematic character. He has a
thorough scheme of his own, which he carries out to a nicety. Now such
a chronology is not necessarily untrustworthy. Its consistency
may
be artificial; on the other hand, it may be due to accurate
knowledge of the facts. Whether this is so or not must be ascertained
partly from a writer’s known opportunities and capacity, partly
from his agreement or discrepancy with other sources of knowledge. Now
our annalist wrote in the time of Theophilus (385–412), and may
therefore rank as a contemporary of Athanasius (cf. Prolegg. ch. v.)
His opportunities therefore were excellent. As to his capacity, his
work bears every trace of care and skill. He is no historian, nor a
stylist, but as an annalist he understood what he was doing. As to
agreement with other data, we remark to begin with that it was the
publication of this fragment in the 18th century that first shed a ray
of light on the Erebus and Chaos of the chronology of the Council of
Sardica and its adjacent events; that it at once justified the critical
genius of Montfaucon, Tillemont and others, against the objections with
which their date for the death of Athanasius
3768
was assailed, and here again upset the confused chronological
statements of the fifth-century historians in favour of the incidental
evidence of many more primary authorities
3769
.
But most important of all is its confirmation by the evidence of the
Festal Letters
discovered in 1842, and especially by their
Index,
the so-called ‘Chronicon Athanasianum.’ It is
evident at a glance that our annalist is quite independent of the
Index,
as he gives many details which it does not contain. But
neither can the
Index
be a compilation from the annalist. Each
writer had access to information not embodied in the other, and there
is no positive evidence that either used the other in any way. When
they agree, therefore, their evidence has the greatest possible weight.
Their main heads of agreement are indicated in the Chronological Table,
Prolegg.
sub fin.
It remains to notice shortly the two digressions
on the doings of Eudoxius and the Anomœans (§§2, 12 of
Migne, paragraphs II, IX of Gallandi). Here the annalist is off his own
ground, and evidently less well informed. In §2 we learn nothing
of interest: but the ‘Ecthesis’ of the Anomœans in
par. IX is of importance, and only too evidently authentic. It still
awaits a critical examination, and it is not easy to give it its exact
place in the history of the later Arianism. Apparently it belongs to
the period 360–364, when the Anomœans were organising their
schism (Gwatkin, pp. 226, 180) the names being those of the
ultra-Arians condemned by the Homœans in 360 (Prolegg. ch. ii.
§8
fin.
).
The contrast between the vagueness of statement
in these digressions, and the writer’s firmness of touch in
dealing with Alexandrian affairs is most significant.
The fragment runs as follows:
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The
corrections were made before he could obtain the essay and text of
Sievers (
Zeitsch. Hist. Theol.
1868), where he now finds them
nearly all anticipated. Sievers’ discussion has been carefully
and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially from the
accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the whole
(§17).
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But
our annalist gives May 3, while
Fest. Ind.
gives May 2, the day
solemnised in the Coptic Martyrologies (Mai,
Script. Vett.
vol.
4, part 2, pp. 29, 114), and doubtless the right one. Perhaps, if
Athanasius died in the night of May 2–3, the former day might be
chosen for his commemoration, while our annalist may still be literally
exact.
3769
See
Tillem. viii. 719
sqq.